Lebanese citizens, let's really take back our independence!

1920 and 1943: Two milestones that defined modern Lebanon. The first established the geographical borders of the country and the identity of the peoples who would inhabit it. The second determined the modus operandi of their government. But if 1920 was the culmination of a cynical sharing of zones of influence by the forces that defeated the Ottoman Empire, it was also the recognition of a nation whose conception dates back to Fakhreddine II (1572-1634). As for the pact of 1943, this unwritten tradition established a division of power based on a sectarian equilibrium that was meant to be a temporary counterweight to a secular constitution perceived as premature. For the past 75 years, however, it has allowed the political class to hinder the emergence of a Lebanese citizen.

In a democratic country, citizens vote, pay taxes and respect the public good. By voting, they choose and sanction power. By paying taxes, they participate in the redistribution of wealth and support the development of infrastructure and services that benefit everyone. But if they abstain from voting, they allow a minority to renew the mandate of the same political class that is the cause of their dissatisfaction. While casting a blank ballot registers a protest, it does not prevent even incompetent political figures from anyway claiming legitimacy. By not paying taxes, citizens remove their right to demand accountability regarding the use of public money. And by not respecting the public good, it becomes impossible to demand that it be improved.

Sectarian parties

The responsibility for perpetuating this attitude since independence lies not so much with the citizens as with the political class that has led them to this situation. The political class is a club that is as old as Lebanon itself and today consists of six members: the big sectarian parties. Regardless of their historical or current differences, when it comes to foreign policy they have a common denominator: the inclination to seek patronage abroad. This propensity reinforces the feeling that the Lebanese are still being occupied. Inevitably, this leads to a declining sense of civic responsibility, especially when it comes to paying taxes or respecting the public good. It is understandable, therefore, that people want to avoid paying a tribute to a political order that does not belong to them.

Resuming the creation of the citizen where it stopped decades ago first and foremost requires stepping away from the logic imposed by the parties-communities. They are different sides of the same coin and accomplices in how they govern the country. They shape and apply the legal texts according to their own sectarian interests, and there is no control over how they use public funds, which they shamelessly distribute to ensure a financial and clientelist return. They distribute nominations within the government – where corruption reigns – on the sole criterion of servile loyalty, not competence. The law becomes elastic. Rights are nowhere to be seen. The Lebanese have become beholden to politicians that in a normally system would be their servants. To cover their act of political cunning, the confession-parties use the oldest trick in the book: Each one, in their rhetoric, feeds the fear of “the other”.

This rhetoric emphasizes the differences that have sometimes led the Lebanese to oppose each other and ignores the reality of shared values and a common destiny and heritage. It ignores the reality of the secular and smooth cohabitation of people with different religious rituals and references, but remarkable similar day to day lives. The severe economic crisis that Lebanon is going through, marked by a decline in purchasing power and the decay of public services, has two contradictory effects: On the one hand, the Lebanese are more and more aware of the catastrophic situation their leaders have put them in. On the other, it has forced them to become even more reliant on the goodwill of the confession-parties to obtain the oxygen necessary to survive. Put more simply: the majority of Lebanese no longer vote out of conviction, but because going to the ballot box can help them get the patronage they need to treat a sick child or to get a job.

Breaking the vicious circle

Is breaking this vicious circle a utopian dream? No. At each tragic moment of their history, the Lebanese have refused to view their situation as irremediable. Whether facing internal or external enemies, they have relied on their intellectual, technical and financial abilities and their relentless attachment to freedom, the right to revolt and the love of life. They have never given in to defeatism.

Since 2005, the Lebanese have often expressed the desire for change, but they have not been successful at initiating it. This is not for lack of will or support, but because of the way they have organized themselves. Civil society has confused its social role with political activism. Scattered with no clear strategy, it has committed to actions without ensuring the conditions of their subsistence while facing the strength and Machiavellianism of the system. It entered the arena too late and was not able to wake up the sleeping citizen inside of every Lebanese.

Therefore, today there is a need for a structured and democratic citizen-party: A party that would listen to the Lebanese people since they are the ones who have the solutions and the ability to work towards them; A party that would reflect the image of a true citizen-state and work toward building one; A party that, through its program, actions and code of conduct and the choice of its leaders and ability of its supporters, would steer clear of publicity stunts related to waste management or polluted rivers; A party that pushes citizens to become more involved in the political process, puts pressure on the government to influence its behavior and gradually corners the confession-parties, forcing them to face their own failures; A party that will support citizens who are ready to mobilize against bad governmental decisions and in return propose a structured and rational program; A party that will come to power and exercise it fully without joining the club of the confession-parties; A party that will remind the Lebanese that they are not tribes, but citizens – that their faith is not an obstacle to common, universal values.

This is also about something bigger: Globalization is not only economic, but also political. When faced with technological challenges and the erasure of borders by the flow of information, there are those who are tempted to retreat into their own identities. And there are others who understand that human beings need to be responsible for each other, sharing the same values and respect for human dignity. To become part of the latter group, let’s become citizens. I propose this because I am convinced it is necessary and that it is still possible for such a party to emerge and ultimately help the Lebanese take back their independence in the fullest sense of the word.

*Pierre Issa is the co-founder and former General Manager of the Lebanese NGO Arcenciel.

(This opinion piece was originally published in French in L'Orient-Le Jour on the 22nd of November 2018)